Wednesday, October 7, 2015

This is an excerpt from Stephen Herrick Requa's excellent book, The Fourth Reich, which you can read for free online. It concerns a very key and central figure in the JFK assassination whom we don't hear about as often as Dulles, Angleton, Hoover, Bush, etc., and that is: NELSON ROCKEFELLER.


Rockefeller: A Traitor for Vice-President

Nelson Rockefeller. A former Governor of New York and, after 1973, a former Vice-President of the United States. In the past few years, Rockefeller's image as a "moderate" Republican has become tarnished, espcially since the 1994 publication of Loftus' and Aarons' Secret War Against the Jews . They reveal that Rockefeller was a Nazi sympathizer during World War II. Worse, they reveal, he was a traitor: there are transcripts of telephone conversations between Rockefeller and Nazi agents in South America in which Rockefeller arranged the sale of tons of petroleum products to Nazi Germany. What is really significant about these transcripts is the date: 1943, in the middle of World War II (Loftus and Aarons 270-91).
". . .[T]he Rockefellers just happened to own the largest stock of Standard of New Jersey and were then in partnership with the Nazi-controlled I.G. Farben. . .the (Rockefeller) family was in complete agreement with the Dulles brothers and Forrestal on the question of preserving US profits, no matter who won the war. . .[H]is friend Forrestal had authorized the Rockefeller oil company, Standard of New Jersey, to ship oil to the Nazis in 1941. That was before the United States entered the war, but Pearl Harbor made no difference to Rockefeller . . .[emphasis added--mcs]. All through the war, while Rockefeller was in charge, everything the Germans wanted in South America they got, from refueling stations to espionage bases. The British, on the other hand, had to pay in cash. Behind Rockefeller's rhetoric of taking measures in Latin America for the national defense stood a naked grab for profits. Under the cloak of his official position, Rockefeller and his cronies would take over Britain's most valuable Latin American properties. If the British resisted, he would effectively block the raw materials and food supplies desperately needed for Britain's fight against Hitler. . . (Loftus and Aarons 164-71)."
Not only this, Rockefeller's cronies were members of the Dulles-Forrestal clique. (Loftus and Aarons 165-71). And:
'By February 1945 one-third of the nations on the [South American] continent had not even entered the war, while Dulles's friend, President Juan Peron of Argentina led a bloc of decidedly pro-Fascist countries that were eager to help the architects of the Third Reich escape with their assets intact. In the end, these countries had to be ordered to declare war on Germany and Japan, under threat of exclusion from the United Nations. . .(Loftus and Aarons 165-71).\'94\tab It was all a farce: Argentina didn\'92t declare war until late April, two weeks before the German surrender. In fact, most South American dictators made a fortune from the Nazis during the war (Loftus and Aarons 165-71).Therefore:}{\plain \f1 \'93Rockefeller's political and corporate strategy was to use his block of Fascist nations to "buy" the majority vote at the UN. . .The Latin American bloc represented nineteen votes to Europe's nine. . .[Rockefeller}{\plain \f2 \'92s] partner in moneymaking just happened to be John Foster Dulles, a trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation and a fellow conspirator in smuggling Axis money to safety. . .Those Israelis who were present for the foundation of the Jewish state insist [Rockefeller] had crossed several lines and had made a profit on both sides of the war. Rockefeller's name arose in several incriminating wiretaps and. . . it is entirely possible that the Zionists were given transcripts by sympathetic British officials. . .One Israeli intelligence officer admits the British connection. . . Ben-Gurion had already accumulated more than enough ammunition against Rockefeller and had decided that he couldn't take any chances with an indirect approach. There was no time for a British-style media campaign. The Latin American votes were needed in three days.
"Our American sources insist that the Jews simply laid their cards on the table for Nelson to read and 'blackmailed the hell out of him.'. . .In 1936, the Rockefellers entered into partnership with Dulles's Nazi front, the Shroder Bank of New York, which. . .was the key institution in the Fascist economic 'miracle.' In 1939 the Rockefeller-controlled Chase National Bank secured $25 million for Nazi Germany and supplied Berlin with information on ten thousand Nazi sympathizers in the US. Except for a few months' interruption, the Rockefeller-owned Standard of New Jersey company shipped oil to the Nazis through Spain all throughout the war.
"The roster of the Rockefellers' known pro-Nazi behavior is horrendous. As previously outlined, in 1942 Senator Truman described the behavior of the Rockefellers' company as treasonous. . .Under the US Constitution, giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war is treason. On September 22, 1947, Federal Judge Charles Clark issued the following opinion in a civil case: 'Standard Oil can be considered an enemy national in view of its relationship with I.G. Farben after the United States and Germany became active enemies.' The date is significant. Two months later, just as Nelson Rockefeller was hoping that the damage could be limited to a few corporate scapegoats, the Jews arrived in his office with proof that he personally had committed treason against the United States of America.' (Loftus and Aarons 165-71).
It was the perfect moment, Loftus and Aarons (165-71) tell us, for blackmail. Today, Nelson Rockefeller is remembered as the Republican millionaire who became vice-president of the United States. But: '. . . in 1947 he was still under a cloud of suspicion for his activities in South America. . . Despite the fact that Rockefeller sat on the ProclaimedList Committee and was in charge of Latin American intelligence, he turned a blind eye to Standard's shipments of South American oil to Hitler. . .[But] by 1947, the Rockefeller publicity machine had things under control, notwithstanding what Judge Clark might have said. Then the Jews arrived with their dossier. They had his Swiss bank records with the Nazis, his signature on correspondence setting up the German cartel in South America, transcripts of his conversations with Nazi agents during the war, and, finally, evidence of his complicity in helping Allen Dulles smuggle war criminals and money from the Vatican to Argentina. . .[The] Zionist[s] blackmail[ed]. . .Nelson Rockefeller. . .Reuven Shiloah, Ben-Gurion's intelligence chief. . . masterminded the operation. . .[W]hen the Zionists confronted Rockefeller, (he) skimmed through the dossier and coolly began to bargain. In return for the votes of the Latin American block, he wanted guarantees that the Jews would keep their mouths shut about the flow of Nazi money and fugitives to South America. There would be no Zionist Nazi-hunting unit, no testimony at Nuremberg about the bankers or anyone else, not a single leak to the press about where the Nazis were living in South America or which Nazis were working for Dulles. The subject of the Nazis was closed. Period. Forever. . .[T]he price for the margin (of votes) of safety [for the admission of the new nation of Israel to the UN] was steep. In effect, the extra votes for passage in the UN were bought with the blood of 6 million Jewish victims of the Holocaust. . .The Zionists' success at the UN General Assembly did not end the danger to their cause. There was no guarantee that the Jews would not be double-crossed. They knew that Forrestal, the Dulleses, and their other enemies would not give up. And they could not blackmail them all. . .' (Loftus and Aarons 165-71)."
Rockefeller is not the only major figure they expose for treason in World War II. James V. Forrestal, then-Secretary of the Navy and later the Defense Department, and Prescott Bush's attorney Allen Dulles, then-OSS Swiss Station Chief and later Director of CIA, are revealed to have engaged in treasonous acts during the Second World War. Both were partners in Rockefeller's company, Standard Oil. Both, say Loftus and Aarons, were under surveillance by FDR (64-73).
We've also recently learned that Prescott Bush was indicted under the Trading With the Enemy Act in November, 1942, while U.S. troops were under fire in North Africa. It was found that Prescott's firm, the Union Banking Company, was helping arrange loans for the sale of petroleum products to Hitler (Tarpley and Chaitkin 30-46).
Worse, it became apparent that Prescott remained on the boards of directors of a number of companies now known to have engaged in treason in World War II, until 1952 (Bowen 4-11). Allen Dulles remained Prescott Bush's attorney even when it became known in various inner sanctum circles in Washington, D.C, during the war that both he and Forrestal had been found to be such bad security in dealing with the Axis that the Roosevelt Administration had placed them both under surveillance in order to determine if they were engaged in acts damaging to the national security of the United States (Loftus and Aarons 64-73).
Rockefeller kept many of these exposures of treason from having media attention, so that most Americans were not aware of them until the 1990's. Rockefeller was able to take advantage of Israel's need for votes to secure membership in the UN to keep his own role in treason under wraps for nearly 50 years (Loftus and Aarons 270-91). He was able to pressure Jewish intelligence to make a deal with him whereby his own treason was hidden in return for the votes of 20 Latin American nations that Rockefeller basically controlled. Israel needed those twenty votes to secure membership in the UN. In return for covering up Rockefeller's treason, Jewish intelligence got Israeli admission to the UN in 1947.
A number of other high-level persons were also involved in treason during World War II, as Charles Higham points out in his books American Swastika (New York; Doubleday, 1985) and Trading With the Enemy(NY: Delacorte, 1983. 39-42). Among them were Robert Lovett, Artemus Gates, William Stamps Farrish and William Draper. All of these were also associates of Prescott Bush throughout his life.
In addition, George Bush's own association with known Nazis and Nazi-sympathizers of World War II has come under increasing scrutiny in the past few years with his ascension to the Vice-Presidency and the White House. As he left the White House in 1993, major allegations were apparent that George had associated for too long and at too great a level of closeness with several known Nazi-sympathizers of World War II, including Lazslo Pasztor, a man who acted as a courier of information for the Nazis during World War II. Bush has also insisted on continuing to associate with Yaroslav Stesko, a known war criminal who headed a Nazi puppet regime in the Ukraine during World War II. During Stesko's administration, thousands of Jews were slaughtered (Bellant 159; Bowen 2-11).
But perhaps more important, from an American viewpoint, is the effect of men like Stesko on the average American soldier in the field in World War II. This is an angle that hasn't been brought out much about this area, but it is one that infuriates me. By making it easier for the Nazis to administer their regime in the Ukraine, Stesko freed up hundreds or perhaps thousands of German troops to fight against and sometimes to kill American GI's in Europe.
It is also important to understand the strategic effects of individuals like Laszlo Pasztor on the German war-making ability. By delivering messages and keeping lines of communication open within the Third Reich, Pasztor helped keep the Germany in the war longer. Some of the communications he delivered from Hungary, where he was a member of the domestic version of Hungary's Nazi party called the Arrow Cross, apparently facilitated German troop movements in the Balkans and along the Mediterranean at a time when easier troop movements meant lower German casualties--and higher American casualties (Simpson 173-80; Bowen 2-4).
We also now know that Allen Dulles's "Sunrise" negotiations with the Axis in World War II were much more involved than anyone had previously suspected. (Loftus and Aarons 75-80, 99). A big motivating force behind Dulles, they tell us here, was Nelson Rockefeller atttempting to avoid prosecution after the war.
He didn't completely succeed. In 1947, a federal judge ruled that his company, Standard Oil, had been guilty of treason during the War. Several executives got jail sentences and fines were levied against Rockefeller and his company.
There was a reason. Rockefeller's tankers had fueled Nazi u-boats in the Canary Islands (Higham 36-42). On March 22, 1943, Rockefeller authorized an enemy agent already blacklisted to receive $3668 for legal services in Rio. On April 22, 1943, one of Rockefeller's officers cabled Zurich confirming the shipmenet of 16.7 tons of fuel to the Axis. In a secret document on June 9, 1943, one of Rockefeller's officers in Venezuela was authorized to continue trading with four enemy corporations to the tune of 13,000 kilos a month (Higham 36-40).
Rockefeller was defiant of FDR's efforts to shut down his sale of oil to the Axis. The Dulles brothers had one of their clients threaten to disrupt the US oil supply during wartime. Besides US Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg, three other members of the US intelligence community insist that Allen Dulles was personally behind the threat to cut of Saudi oil supplies. The Standard Oil Executives made it clear that the entire US war effort was fueled by their oil and it could be stopped. The US Government had no choice but to go along if it wanted to win the War. (Loftus and Aarons 63-7).
According to Charles Higham, by 1939, while Hitler and Japan were building up their armaments and Americans were dangerously short of rubber and the armed services were hard put to complete wheels for planes, tanks and armored cars, Rockefeller made a deal with Hitler whereby he could obtain certain kinds of Standard Oil artificial rubber while American would get nothing (Higham 36). And Senator Harry Truman's Committee learned in 1942 that Standard Oil had sent cables to Japan in 1941 asserting that its trade with Japan would continue whether or not America went to war with them (Higham 42-53).
Further, according to Higham, on January 28, 1944, Britain forbade the sale of further petroleum products to Spain, since it had been learned that oil sent to Fascist Spain went to Germany. Roosevelt soon joined Britain's ban. But on May 2, 1944, Rockefeller's Standard Oil succeeded in pressuring FDR to allow it to again sell oil to Fascist Spain. As a result, 48,000 tons a month of American oil began to flow back to the Nazis (Higham 58-62).
Prescott had to know of some of this, since his banking firm did regular business with Standard Oil and his attorney, Allen Dulles, was on its Board of Directors. Prescott}{\plain \f1 \'92s steamship line had extensive contacts with the Nazis, as well. It had provided free trips for German Nazis to the US for a meeting of a Fascist eugenics group in which Prescott Bush was a member throughout World War II (Bowen 2-11) and Prescott had an attorney on staff who continued to do bond business with the Nazis until November 1942, apparently stopping doing so only because he was indicted by the US government (Tarpley and Chaitkin 34-40). Only a few months earlier, in September 1941, Rockefeller had his tankers refuel Nazi submarines that were sinking American ships in the North Atlantic and with which it was widely known the US was involved in an undeclared war. (Higham 35-6). Rockefeller also accepted $11 million in bonds directly from Hermann Goering in 1940, and the two initialed off on an agreement whereby Nazi Germany was authorized to continue to exploit Standard Oil's Rumanian oil, whether or not America came into the war. (Higham 34-60. See also Bella Kissh's unpublished thesis on this, 1984--full reference can be located at the Annotated Bibliography file on this Website: Go to Annotated Bibliography). Thus, Prescott's insider knowledge of, yet continuing partnership and business association with, Rockefeller and his firm, makes some other subsequent events look suspicious after this May 2, 1944 reshipment of oil to the Nazis via Spain and those cables to Japan of 1941. For, on May 15, 1944, Prescott's son George Bush flew his first combat mission in the Pacific against the Japanese. Given this backdrop, one must wonder why he was even there.



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